Processes
of gentrification can be found in a lot of different districts of
Amsterdam. The Diamantbuurt has also caught the attention of the
urban policy makers who aim to produce ‘liveable neighborhoods’.
The notion of ‘liveability’ overall relates to the social
economic composition of the neighborhood’s residents (van Gent
2012: 506). These policies regularly contain the pro-active insertion
of middle-income households in low-income areas. As mentioned in the
previous blog post concerning the history of The Diamantbuurt, the
Diamantbuurt arose as a working class neighborhood and has only quite
recently become an exclusive, and very popular, neighborhood for
young urban professionals (YUP). The Diamantbuurt is a nice example
of this upcoming gentrification; you can find an obvious increase in
the amenities and services associated with middle-class taste, like
trendy bars, restaurants, galleries, and exclusive stores. The
agency for investigation and statistics (2012) tells us that there
are 52 shops in the neighborhood with a combined surface of 2.208 m².
The
Van Wou straat, the main street that crosses the Diamantbuurt and
divides it in two parts, is actually very representative for the
district. In this street you will find a nice mix of yuppie
restaurants, stores, shops and ‘oriental’ food stores. Whereas in
the Pijp, the neighboring district of the Diamantbuurt,
gentrification is almost completed, in the Diamantbuurt you can still
find this diversity that Amsterdam is famous for.
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| Food store STACH |
An
example of a store associated with middle- class taste is food store
STACH. It is a delicacy-store, boutique-like, that sells organic
products, healthy take away meals and you can also have coffee and
lunch inside. On its website the store is promoted and portrayed as a
food store with seasonal specials, all the food is fresh and comes
from different regional suppliers, personal attention for the
customers, and has, remarkably in this diverse area, only white
‘yuppie’ customers on its pictures. The target group
contains ‘people who love healthy and tasty food but are too busy
or just don’t feel like cooking’1. In
other words, especially for ‘yuppies’. It
is interesting to see how these concepts of healthy organic food
stores increase in Amsterdam, where ‘yuppies’ can differentiate
themselves from the masses.
Another
place for yuppies and students on the Van Wou Street is ‘De
Stadskantine’. Literally
translated it means ‘the city
cafeteria’. It is a certain kind of business that is very popular
at the moment: a place where you can eat and drink while working on
your laptop or reading a book. The meals are not expensive, they
change daily and the used products are all fresh 2. The target group therefore contains students and
yuppies who like to work there in the afternoons. And also the people
who do not feel like cooking in the evenings and want to go for a
quick meal, and who like the idea of a having a ‘home made meal’.
The design of the cafeteria is light, with a lot of glass, and it
feels like an informal environment. This makes the place more
accessible in the way that it feels less of an effort to come over
and have a meal. The biggest difference between a cafeteria like this
and a restaurant is probably that it is normal to have a meal or a
coffee on your own.
![]() | |
| Stadskantine |
![]() | |
| Large 'Italian table in Spaghetteria |
The
amenities for middle class taste are still increasing, as the
restaurant Spaghetteria opened its doors only in February 2012.They
call themselves a ‘pasta bar’, and promote their home made, fresh
pasta made of organic flour3. This Yuppie
place doesn’t have separate tables but just one large ‘Italian’
table where everybody can sit together like a big family.
Underneath
this picture you can see a Turkish food store, a totally different
type of store than the stores mentioned above. In the Van Wou street
you can see these contrasting cultures come together in this and
divide two areas at the same time. The immigrant side versus the
yuppie side. These
upcoming yuppie places give a fascinating diversity in the shopping
landscape. On the one hand you have these posh restaurant
Pekelhaaring, the Stadskantine, Spaghetteria and Stach. On the other
hand you will also see a lot of Dönerplaces, Turkish supermarkets,
pizzerias and other immigrant owned consumption sights.
![]() | |
| Turkish Food Store |
What
makes this interesting is that although the gentrification process is
still going on, there are still quite a few stores and places which seem
to survive. One of these shops is the long lasting Turkish
supermarket Genco, situated on the corner of the van Wou and the
Tolstraat. Several residents of the area pointed out this grocery
store as a ‘pleasant shop with nice products and a friendly,
helpful staff’. According to an article in The Volkskrant ( March 15th, 2005). Genco Supermarket was established on this same corner in
1966 by Mustafa Genco. Mustafa Genco was a working migrant who came
to Amsterdam to escape the poverty in the Turkish town of Gaziantep.
After being badly treated by several bosses Mustafa decided to never
work for a boss again. He then started the grocery store and moved
his wife and kids from Turkey to join him here in Amsterdam. He
needed the help of his family to be ahead of the competition that
started appearing over the years.
![]() | |
| Genco Versmarkt |
It
might be surprising that some residents mentioned Genco as a pleasant
place to do the daily shopping in this exclusive neighborhood. But
ever since the Mediterranean kitchen becamepopular in Holland, the
Dutch costumers also found their way over to Genco for these
products. If there is one thing yuppies like, it must be being
‘multicultural’ and ‘tolerant’. Helping the suspected less
fortunate and interacting with former migrant families grants the yup
social prestige. This is exactly the reason why besides hip coffee
places, also the Turkish owned restaurants and shops are doing very
well in this area.
Abert
Cuyp market: the social mix that is left in the Pijp
There
is no outdoor market in the Diamantbuurt itself, but the Albert Cuyp
market in the Pijp, the neighboring district, provides an important
service for the residents of the area. Although the Pijp is known to
be a gentrified area, the Albert Cuyp market still socially mixed. A
lot of migrants from Pakistan and Afghanistan have their stalls on
the market with cosmetics and clothing. The fruit and vegetables
stalls are mainly owned by Dutch people, born and raised in
Amsterdam. Then there are always a few stalls of people to promote
new products, like handy kitchen tools. A stall costs in total around
35 euros daily. There is a waiting list to have your stall on the
market, and you have to have a permit.
The
store on the market that sells plants is a family owned business; it
is called ‘de Plantenmarkt’. They have had their store since
1954, and it still goes really well. Their main customers are
‘dagjesmensen’, visitors and tourist who come just for a day to
the Albert Cuyp market, and people (in their words), who are ‘bored’.
When I asked them what they meant by that, they explained that a lot
of old people from the area pass by, just to make a walk, and the
‘richer kind’ who ‘have nothing else to do’. When I asked
them if they thought they had a lot of customers from the
Diamantbuurt, they answered that ‘those immigrants will probably go
to the Dappermarkt, as that market is even cheaper’. This quote
again proves that the image of the Diamantbuurt has not changed, and
I am sure that they meant the ‘old’ Diamantbuurt. There is an
area that has been ‘added’ to the Diamantbuurt in 2005. The
residents of this part still call their neighborhood ‘the pijp’,
as they don’t want to belong to the bad image of the Diamantbuurt.
The truth is that a lot of people from this side of the Van Wou
straat do come to the Albert Cuyp market. But they are not considered
as the residents of the
Diamantbuurt.
Cited literature:
2013 Neoliberalization,
Housing Institutions an Variegated Gentrification: How the
‘Third Wave’ Broke
in Amsterdam. International Journal of Urban and Regional
Research. (37)2 : 503 -
522.





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